Iran System Font Size' title='Iran System Font Size' />Are women oppressed in Muslim countries What about in Islamic enclaves in the West Are these places violating or fulfilling the Quran and Islamic law Trump should get rid of the Iran nuclear deal by applying pressure that induces Iran to opt out of it. News and opinion from The Times The Sunday Times. Elles font tout 1. Victory Refrigeration Serial Number. Vhsrip 9. 62mb aka Quel certo sapore. Directed by Jesus Franco. Stars Lina Romay, Martine Flty, Marius Clavier. Language Italian. Country France Imdb Info Vhsrip. Iran System Font ChangeIran System Font WindowsAlso known as Quel certo sapore. Description Three couples are staying at a hotel and all are having sexual issues. One day a professional porn star Lina Romay shows up and teaches everyone how to do it. Review This hardcore film is once again from Spanish director Jess Franco and this one here is certainly the best of the three Ive seen. Again, Im really not sure how to rate this stuff but Romay, when not sexually servicing everyone, has a lot of nice, comedic moments, which is why I rank this the highest. Its also nice seeing Susan Hemmingway, although it took me a while to get use to seeing her in hardcore scenes. Again, this normally isnt my type of thing but my goal is to see every Franco filmpreview. Elle. 79fon. rarmirrorhttps xxFm. P9d. 9ad. Co. IElle. Iran Nuclear Deal Trump Should Scrap It, Heres How. Its no secret that President Trump would like to shake off the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action JCPOA, the nuclear agreement with Iran. Negotiated by the Obama administration and opposed by most Americans when it was finalized in 2. Trump the stupidest deal of all time. In his search for the right mechanism to break free of Obamas nuclear handcuffs, he appears to have settled on declaring that Iran is in violation of the agreement. Questions about the fate of the international arrangement came to the fore during Trumps presidency first in April and again in July, when the recurring 9. Irans compliance came up. According to multiple reports, Trump was ready to label Iran noncompliant but on both occasions Secretary of State Rex Tillerson hadnt prepared the diplomatic groundwork. That left the president with no option but to recertify. He warned Tillerson not to let it happen again when the deadline circles back in October. The president appears to be left with a few options. He can plead his case internationally, declaring that Iran is failing to follow either the letter or the spirit of the deal as outlined in United Nations Security Council Resolution 2. That would require a functioning State Department on the same page as the White House. He can also declare that Iran isnt complying with the five conditions Congress laid out in the 2. Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act INARA Iran is implementing the deal, including all related agreements not in material breach not advancing its nuclear weapons program not directly supporting or carrying out acts of terrorism against the U. S. and the suspension of sanctions related to Iran pursuant to the agreement is . United States. If the Trump administration found Iran in violation of those conditions and didnt give his stamp of recertification every 9. Congress would need to vote on whether to re impose the secondary sanctions or, instead, walk away from the agreement altogether. Given the mounting evidence of a range of nuclear related Iranian violations, and ballistic missile launches and the transfer of arms that are forbidden under the U. N. resolution, the president will have a strong hand to make his case. Either option would likely satisfy those who want to see the functional equivalent of the presidents ripping up the agreement. A third option is to ignore Iranian infractions and submit the JCPOA, as an international treaty, to the Senate for its advice and consent. Thats what should have happened in 2. U. S. Constitution since 1. Article II, Section 2, Clause 2, for those keeping score. Ratification of the treaty would require a two thirds majority, or 6. It most assuredly wouldnt pass. That is why President Obama sidestepped Congress and went straight to the U. N., to tie Americas hands internationally. On the domestic side of the ledger, he revoked a series of presidential executive orders, canceling a 2. That relief is the main gift Obama delivered Tehran at the outset of the deal, and continuing to waive the sanctions keeps Americas commitment in place. The problem with refashioning the agreement as a treaty that would die in the Senate is that it would still be seen for what it is a clever ploy to unilaterally kill the deal while protecting the president. After all, he could claim that he was following the law set out in the Constitution and that it was not his fault it didnt pass the Senate. He could even turn to his favorite foil of the week, Senate Majority Leader Mitch Mc. Connell R., Ky., and fake some outrage. From a legal standpoint, however, the president doesnt need congressional approval or a list of Iranian violations to get rid of the deal. The question has always been If the U. S. leaves it unilaterally, how will it sell that decision at home and abroad, and what comes next While it may feel good to break free of the Iranian yoke, in these three scenarios the U. S. would be on its own and blamed for torpedoing an international agreement, even if those who liked the arrangement had no intention of enforcing it. There is, however, another path available that could accomplish the same task while likely avoiding a hurricane of international outcry. The United States can stick to the deal while increasing the penalties Iran faces for its infractions. The five INARA conditions allow for certification even if Iran is violating other aspects of the deal on the margins. Notably, they dont require the administration to certify that Iran is complying with the nuclear deal in toto a higher standard to meet. This leaves the White House and Congress with room to maneuver. The president could work with Congress and the Treasury Department to apply increasingly tough sanctions and other pressure in direct response to violations of the nuclear agreement. For example, if in October the Trump administration finds that Iran is not complying, it does not have to scrap the deal in its entirety. Instead, the president could work with Congress and the Treasury Department to apply increasingly tough sanctions and other pressure in direct response to violations of the agreement. Meanwhile, they could push back on all of Tehrans troubling behaviors that are outside the scope of the narrowly focused nuclear arrangement. Those areas include Irans human rights abuses, support for terrorism, and burgeoning ballistic missile program. In addition to financial force, the U. S. could kinetically engage with Irans Revolutionary Guards Corp IRGCsupported proxy forces in the Middle East, beginning with those in Syria. The fact is that the U. S. has more tools at its disposal than are currently being deployed, and it can more effectively push back against nefarious Iranian activities than the current policy suggests. At first blush, it would appear that the strategy was simply to maintain and enforce the dangerously flawed deal. In this scenario, however, the objective to jettison the agreement would remain, but the means to achieving that aim would rely on the application of pressure that makes Iran decide to opt out of the deal. President Trump and the Republican led Congress have already started down this path. For example, in February, U. S. sanctions targeted Tehran for missile procurement activity, and in July they targeted 1. Iranian actors, individuals and entities, who were involved in transnational criminal activity. In August, the president signed into law the Countering Americas Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, which targets all three areas outside the JCPOA human rights abuses, support for terrorism, and ballistic missiles in addition to Russia and North Korea. While they represent solid first steps, Americas pushback needs to increase in both strength and scope. For example, of the 1. Iran has signed since 2. Iranian state entities, which include the IRGC. That comes to around 6. That means many more IRGC members can be targeted with sanctions. But why stop thereThe U. S. can work with the European Union to specifically target members with dual citizenship and go after the visas that give their families easy access to the West. There are plenty of additional avenues the Trump administration can explore to make life exceedingly miserable for the regime in Tehran and its supporters.
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